THE PEOPLE WHO KEEP THE COUNTRY RUNNING WOULD LIKE TO SEE THE INVOICE.

When the grocery shelf is empty, suddenly everyone remembers farming. When the hospital is short a nurse, the nurses become heroes. When the sewer backs up, the plumber becomes indispensable. And when the quarterly earnings call arrives, somehow the people doing the work have wandered out of the photograph. Farmer–Labor keeps the photograph and asks who took the profit.

We are one of thirteen caucuses inside Mugwumps. Our job is not to romanticize mud, calluses, shift work or a sixteen-hour day. It is to investigate the rules governing the people who grow, carry, repair, teach, feed, clean, manufacture and care for the country—and the people who own the systems around their work.

Nobody must be a farmer, union member, employee or political partisan to understand the questions. Nor are all farmers wealthy landowners or all wage workers identically situated. A hired dairy worker and a family farm operator can depend on each other while disagreeing intensely about wages, prices, immigration rules, subsidies and who can survive another bad year. Welcome to the caucus. Bring the ledger.

FARMER–LABOR | FL

The productive-work and shared-risk caucus of Mugwumps. We follow the chain from land and tools to paycheck and market, asking who performs essential work, who has bargaining power, who owns the output, and how a decent living can remain possible through shocks no single household controls.

The operating question: WHAT DID THE WORKERS AND GROWERS CREATE—AND HOW WERE THE COSTS, REWARDS AND DECISIONS DIVIDED? We are not automatically for a subsidy, a strike, a regulation or a cooperative. Each is a tool whose effects deserve evidence. We are extremely tired of being told that gratitude is a benefits package.

ROOTS · WHEN THE WHEAT FIELD MET THE FACTORY GATE

The name has a real American political history. In the early twentieth century, farmers struggling with freight costs, credit and concentrated purchasing power found overlapping interests with wage workers contesting pay and industrial management. The Nonpartisan League organized farmers and pressed for public institutions, including cooperative and state-owned enterprises, while labor groups pursued collective representation. Those efforts helped develop the Minnesota Farmer–Labor movement (Sources 01, 02).

The Minnesota Farmer–Labor Party won its first important state and congressional victories in the 1920s. Its platform contained proposals for social insurance, agrarian reform, labor protections and public ownership of selected utilities and resources. From 1921 to 1941, voters elected three governors, four U.S. senators and eight U.S. representatives under the party's label, according to the Minnesota DFL's own historical summary (Source 02).

Floyd B. Olson won the governorship in 1930, and his administration pursued old-age pensions, unemployment insurance, progressive taxation and relief during the Great Depression. But he did not govern by simply reading a manifesto aloud. A divided legislature, an economic emergency and competing interests constrained the work. During the 1934 Minneapolis truckers' strike he declared martial law amid violent confrontation, angering both strikers and employers. A politician bearing a labor party label could still make decisions labor organizations fiercely contested (Sources 03, 04).

On April 15, 1944, Minnesota's Farmer–Labor Party merged with the state Democratic Party, creating the Democratic–Farmer–Labor Party. That is the historic DFL whose name remains part of Minnesota politics today, not an affiliate of Mugwumps or evidence of an endorsement (Source 02). The merger preserved a label while changing the party organization, alliances and internal balances of power.

THE OLD COALITION WASN'T A FAIRY TALE

Farm owners and hired farmworkers did not always have the same economic interests. Industrial workers disagreed over race, ethnicity, immigration, union policy and ideology. Some movements centered white producers or gave insufficient attention to Black, Indigenous and immigrant workers, even as other organizers challenged exclusion. The historical Farmer–Labor coalition was neither universal solidarity nor a conflict-free household (Sources 01, 05).

This caucus borrows the question of coalition, not every historical faction's answer. If the farm can only survive by denying its workers decent conditions, that's a problem worth examining. If a labor regulation inadvertently bankrupts small producers while leaving major corporations untouched, that's also a problem. Solidarity that requires everybody to conceal a real conflict isn't solidarity. It's meeting minutes with the embarrassing paragraph deleted.

FUN FACT · MINNESOTA PUT THE HYPHEN IN THE PARTY

America has actually seen a durable Farmer–Labor political party, and the name did not vanish when the original organization merged. Minnesota's DFL is the unusually specific reminder: even the Democratic Party's name differs by state because organized farmers and workers acquired enough influence to be part of a formal merger in 1944 (Sources 02, 06). Most people learn the phrase only when they notice that a Minnesota candidate has DFL after their name and wonder if the ballot printer sneezed.

The greater surprise is that winning an election didn't end the movement's arguments. Olson's administration had to handle the same tensions between workers, employers, farm operators and state authority that had made the coalition possible. Winning control of the government's clipboard does not make the clipboard magically agree with your union steward (Source 03).

TODAY · WHO DOES THE WORK, WHO GETS THE RETURN?

THE FARM IS A BUSINESS AND A HOME

A farm can be a family enterprise, a large corporate operation, a tenant arrangement or an employer of seasonal workers. It faces weather, land prices, loans, machinery costs, insurance, market concentration and public policy. The owner may labor intensely while also controlling assets and hiring others. Farmer–Labor should not assume that all producers share one interest simply because they own tractors.

THE WORKER DOES NOT DISAPPEAR AT HARVEST

Agricultural labor has historically occupied a separate position in U.S. labor law. The National Labor Relations Act excludes agricultural laborers from its definition of employee, so its ordinary federal collective-bargaining protections generally do not cover them; some state laws provide alternative arrangements. Certain farmworkers also face separate overtime and minimum-wage rules under the Fair Labor Standards Act (Sources 07, 08). The legal gap deserves specific attention, not a speech about how valued farmworkers are.

A PAYCHECK CAN STILL FAIL TO COVER THE JOB

Low pay, unpredictable hours, childcare costs, commuting, unsafe machinery, workplace injuries and the possibility of retaliation can undermine economic security. Working people aren't one interchangeable group: a home-health aide, a software tester, a school custodian and a meatpacking worker face different risks. This caucus looks for the contractual and institutional mechanisms behind each, not one heroic stock photograph of a hardhat.

CONCENTRATION HAS A TRUCKING ROUTE

Farmers may sell to a limited number of processors or distributors; workers may have few alternative employers; retailers and dominant platforms can possess leverage over suppliers. Antitrust, cooperative alternatives, procurement rules, price transparency and local competition are possible responses, but each needs case-specific economic analysis. A producer's high grocery price is not proof that the farm received a high price.

COOPERATIVES ARE TOOLS, NOT SACRAMENTS

Producer cooperatives, worker cooperatives, credit unions and mutual purchasing associations can change who owns assets and who shares decisions. USDA explains that agricultural cooperatives organize farmers around shared marketing, supply and services (Source 09). Such organizations still need good accounting, governance, competitive markets and protections for hired labor. Putting the word cooperative on a building doesn't automatically make management answer the phone.

THE FUTURE HAS TO INCLUDE THE PEOPLE DOING THE WORK

Automation, artificial intelligence, climate shifts and new logistics systems can reduce some dangers while changing jobs and bargaining power. The modern question is who receives training, who bears transition costs, who gains productivity and whether workers can contest decisions affecting their schedules, safety and livelihoods. Technology is not the enemy; pretending its benefits distribute themselves is a very expensive fairy tale.

WHAT WOULD FARMER–LABOR ACTUALLY INVESTIGATE?

A farm-labor investigation might follow the price of food from a household's grocery bill backward through a processor and supplier to the farm and hired workers. Another might examine rural hospital staffing, overtime exemptions, warehouse injuries, apprenticeship access, union elections, crop insurance, agricultural debt or pension coverage. The object is a traceable chain of decisions, not an emotional slideshow of people looking exhausted.

The caucus does not endorse every demand by an employer or a union. It asks whether evidence supports the claim, whose consent was obtained, who possesses bargaining power and how an intervention affects workers and producers differently. It also asks how to protect service continuity when a policy changes, because an abandoned town can't spend an excellent theoretical wage.

POLICY TAGS · LABOR IS AN ECONOMIC SYSTEM, NOT A COMPLIMENT

Collective Bargaining · Agricultural Labor · Rural Healthcare · Worker Ownership · Cooperatives · Antitrust · Apprenticeships · Job Quality · Wage Enforcement · Farm Credit · Food Security · Supply Chains · Occupational Safety · Childcare · Migration and Work · Economic Transition · Public Procurement

These are routes into Mugwumps' Justice policies and the Vault. They are not proof that every Farmer–Labor caucus member favors the same law or tax rate. Disagreement belongs in the meeting; hiding the costs belongs nowhere.

→ Explore Modern Worker Voice & Bargaining

→ Explore Workers Deserve a Say—And a Share

→ Explore A Good Job Guarantee

→ Explore Learn Today, Earn Tomorrow: Government-Paid Training for Real Jobs

→ Explore Reform Corporate Charters & Interstate Operations

→ Explore End Corporate Monopoly, Oligarchy, & Kleptocracy

→ Explore Safe, Dignified Public Housing

→ Explore Social Security From Childhood Through Retirement

SIMILAR TO · SAME PAYROLL, DIFFERENT QUESTIONS

NEW DEALERS | ND

They start with durable social guarantees and the public institutions that deliver them. Farmer–Labor starts at the farm, workplace and supply chain, asking how those guarantees interact with wages, employers and producers.

DEMOCRATIC SOCIALISTS | DS

They study who owns economic decision-making. Farmer–Labor studies that too, but does not assume every farm, hospital or shop must have the same ownership model to protect workers.

GREENBACKS | GB

They ask who controls credit, debt and money. We ask what that means to the farm mortgage, the payroll and the household living between payday and the next bill.

PROGRESSIVES | PG

They focus on public rules that improve rights and outcomes. We want to know how the particular rule works through the shift schedule, the processor contract and the small producer's margins.

LESS LIKE · DIFFERENT STARTING POINTS, SAME MOVEMENT

These are comparisons of instincts, not accusations or blacklists. All thirteen caucuses belong to Mugwumps, and any member can disagree with these descriptions. A useful argument over the correct tool is not a civil war.

LIBERTARIANS | LT

They begin by asking what authority government needs and whether individual choice is protected. Farmer–Labor often begins by asking whether private employers and buyers already possess enough power to make that choice illusory.

BOURBONS | BO

They begin with authority, budgets and fiscal limits. We begin with work and lived costs—but their audit may save us from proposing an excellent program that the county cannot actually run.

STALWARTS | ST

They prefer to preserve functioning institutions. We are more willing to examine whether a familiar labor market or agricultural rule keeps some people perpetually dependent. A functioning service still deserves protection through any change.

FEDERALISTS | FD

They ask what national coordination can accomplish. We worry about rules designed so far from farms and workplaces that implementation ignores regional differences, while acknowledging that fragmented enforcement can leave workers exposed.

FIFTY HYPOTHETICAL FARMER–LABOR TYPES · PLEASE WASH YOUR HANDS BEFORE THE POTLUCK

Ten politicians. Ten celebrities. Ten television characters. Ten book characters. Ten wildcards. These are literary thought experiments illustrating work, production, bargaining, land, ownership or their contradictions. No living person is represented as an actual Mugwump, an endorser, a recruitment target or a member of this caucus. A resemblance in one documented action never implies agreement with an entire political philosophy.

A few examples are cautionary: anyone who can run a workplace can also mistreat its workers. That's useful to examine. Please do not invite all fifty to manage the same lunch shift.

01 · TEN POLITICIANS · THERE'S A PAYROLL QUESTION IN THE COMMITTEE ROOM

TEN HYPOTHETICAL COMPARISONS. ZERO ENDORSEMENTS. The trait or caution described here is not a claim that any real person supports Farmer–Labor or Mugwumps. Fictional characters cannot be members.

FLOYD B. OLSON

Minnesota's Farmer–Labor governor confronted unemployment and public relief during the Depression, then faced difficult choices during the 1934 truckers' strike. One name, two conflicting obligations.

HENRIK SHIPSTEAD

Minnesota's farmer-labor senator emerged from an agrarian coalition and defended a political route beyond the dominant party machines. Third-party independence still must answer what happens after the election.

FRANKLIN D. ROOSEVELT

The New Deal reshaped labor and agricultural policy through legislation and agencies. The case raises both the value of government capacity and the exclusions built into some early protections.

FRANCES PERKINS

As secretary of labor, helped develop federal labor standards and Social Security. She'd ask for the inspection mechanism before accepting a promise to protect workers.

HUBERT H. HUMPHREY

Helped negotiate Minnesota's 1944 Democratic–Farmer–Labor merger. A reminder that coalition-building changes both the banner and the people holding it.

SHIRLEY CHISHOLM

Connected childcare, food assistance and working people's access to representation. A labor policy cannot ignore the person arranging care so that a worker can reach the job.

PAUL WELLSTONE

Taught and organized before representing Minnesota in the Senate, where he emphasized working families. A familiar example of activism entering an institution that still requires compromise.

BERNIE SANDERS

Has promoted collective bargaining and worker protections alongside broader social programs. The interesting test is the effect of specific proposals, not the size of the rally.

ROBERT M. LA FOLLETTE

His 1924 independent presidential campaign attracted support from organized labor and progressive farmers. Coalition agreements can reach beyond party labels—and quickly meet hard disagreements.

JESSE VENTURA

Won Minnesota's governorship outside the two major parties in 1998. Not a Farmer–Labor figure: a caution that outsider status alone explains little about labor economics.

02 · TEN CELEBRITIES · WHO PAID THE BAND AND THE STAGE CREW?

TEN HYPOTHETICAL COMPARISONS. ZERO ENDORSEMENTS. The trait or caution described here is not a claim that any real person supports Farmer–Labor or Mugwumps. Fictional characters cannot be members.

DOLLY PARTON

Built a long-running creative business and book-gifting network. She illustrates that cultural work, copyright ownership and community institutions can coexist without making every contract automatically fair.

WILLIE NELSON

Co-founded Farm Aid in 1985 to support family farmers. A concert can raise attention and money; agricultural pricing and debt still require policy analysis.

JOHN MELLENCAMP

A Farm Aid co-founder whose music often draws on working-class Midwestern life. A song about a small town isn't a substitute for its hospital budget.

NEIL YOUNG

Participated in Farm Aid and frequently linked artistic work to questions about agriculture and the environment. Farmers and touring crews both understand the difference between revenue and take-home pay.

BRUCE SPRINGSTEEN

His songs depict factory towns, unemployment and working lives. A compelling narrator of work is not automatically a representative of every worker.

LORETTA LYNN

Sang about coal-country life, domestic work and women's autonomy. Her career illustrates how a performer can convert lived experience into commercially owned art.

RUPAUL

Built an entertainment enterprise around drag performance. The Farmer–Labor question follows the wages and contracts of everybody behind the runway, not only the person presenting it.

CARDI B

Moved from service and performance work into large-scale entertainment. Her touring business makes the labor of dancers, drivers, wardrobe teams and stage crews part of the economic story.

PRINCE

Fought publicly over recording rights and creative control. Ask who owns the composition, who owns the master and who gets paid when the song plays again.

JENNIFER ANISTON

Joined five other Friends actors in coordinated salary negotiations. An unusually powerful group proves bargaining can work, but not that every set worker has their leverage.

03 · TEN TV CHARACTERS · THE BREAK ROOM HAS CALLED A MEETING

TEN HYPOTHETICAL COMPARISONS. ZERO ENDORSEMENTS. The trait or caution described here is not a claim that any real person supports Farmer–Labor or Mugwumps. Fictional characters cannot be members.

LESLIE KNOPE · PARKS AND RECREATION

Finds public funding and organizes people, then sometimes forgets to ask the actual residents what they want. Her clipboard needs a comment period.

RON SWANSON · PARKS AND RECREATION

Understands skilled woodworking and distrusts government. A useful argument about self-reliance, until the town needs a publicly financed sewer.

ROSEANNE CONNER · ROSEANNE

Her family's wages, bills and employment pressures anchor a working-household sitcom. A reminder that the cost of care and the cost of groceries share a kitchen table.

BOB BELCHER · BOB'S BURGERS

Owns a small restaurant and performs exhausting daily labor inside it. A small-business owner can be both a worker and somebody responsible for other people's working conditions.

DWIGHT SCHRUTE · THE OFFICE

Operates a beet farm and works in an office. Spectacular commitment to productivity; a warning that management enthusiasm and worker consent are not synonyms.

HANK HILL · KING OF THE HILL

Takes pride in skilled work and customer service. Might provide a meticulous safety demonstration before agreeing to a new propane policy.

CARMY BERZATTO · THE BEAR

A gifted chef managing a high-pressure kitchen. The food can be brilliant while the workplace urgently needs a humane schedule.

DIN DJARIN · THE MANDALORIAN

A self-employed contractor with childcare responsibilities and an unpredictable gig economy. The bounty market offers remarkably few pension options.

TAMMY TAYLOR · FRIDAY NIGHT LIGHTS

A school counselor navigating youth needs, family life and local institutions. The workforce begins with people who can access education and care.

GEORGE JEFFERSON · THE JEFFERSONS

A business owner who moved into economic success through service work and entrepreneurship. Ownership changes the questions; it doesn't erase labor obligations.

04 · TEN BOOK CHARACTERS · THE LIBRARY'S UNION MEETING HAS STARTED

TEN HYPOTHETICAL COMPARISONS. ZERO ENDORSEMENTS. The trait or caution described here is not a claim that any real person supports Farmer–Labor or Mugwumps. Fictional characters cannot be members.

TOM JOAD · THE GRAPES OF WRATH

Travels with a displaced farm family facing harsh labor markets. The journey makes wages, land and migration inseparable from survival.

MA JOAD · THE GRAPES OF WRATH

Keeps a family moving through hardship. Essential care work exists even when no employer pays for it.

OKONKWO · THINGS FALL APART

Pursues status through farming and household authority. A caution that productive skill does not excuse domination in the home.

JO MARCH · LITTLE WOMEN

Writes to earn income and negotiate room to make her own choices. Creative labor needs contracts as well as inspiration.

JEAN VALJEAN · LES MISÉRABLES

Builds a manufacturing enterprise after imprisonment and uses resources to aid others. Benevolence from an employer helps, but rights cannot depend solely on a good boss.

KATNISS EVERDEEN · THE HUNGER GAMES

Uses practical survival skill in a society that turns workers and children into spectacle. The resource distribution system is the real villain.

SILAS MARNER · SILAS MARNER

A skilled weaver whose isolation and savings reveal both the value and vulnerability of self-employed craft work.

JANE EYRE · JANE EYRE

Works as a governess in a household shaped by class and gender power. Having an occupation doesn't eliminate dependence on the person paying you.

HUCKLEBERRY FINN · ADVENTURES OF HUCKLEBERRY FINN

Questions the social rules that treat human beings as property. A farmer-labor caucus has to confront what happens when a labor system denies consent altogether.

ALICE · ALICE'S ADVENTURES IN WONDERLAND

Asks why rules are nonsensical. Every workplace and agricultural subsidy form needs one Alice in the review committee.

05 · TEN WILDCARDS · THE COMBINE HARVESTER IS ON THE GUEST LIST

TEN HYPOTHETICAL COMPARISONS. ZERO ENDORSEMENTS. The trait or caution described here is not a claim that any real person supports Farmer–Labor or Mugwumps. Fictional characters cannot be members.

JOHN DEERE · BLACKSMITH AND INDUSTRIALIST

Developed a widely adopted steel plow, part of the technological transformation of farming. The inventor's benefit and the buyer's debt aren't the same number.

CESAR CHAVEZ · LABOR ORGANIZER

Co-founded the National Farm Workers Association with Dolores Huerta and organized farmworker campaigns. The movement's gains and controversies both belong in a rigorous history.

DOLORES HUERTA · LABOR ORGANIZER

Co-founded the farmworkers' organization and negotiated for workers facing agricultural employers. Contracts require patient bargaining after the march ends.

A. PHILIP RANDOLPH · LABOR ORGANIZER

Organized Black railroad porters and pressed for economic and civil rights. Racial exclusion and worker representation cannot be separated neatly.

MOTHER JONES · LABOR ORGANIZER

Worked among miners and their families, bringing fierce advocacy to dangerous workplaces. Her rhetoric might need editing; the injury reports cannot be ignored.

HENRY FORD · INDUSTRIALIST

Changed manufacturing methods and wages while strongly resisting independent unions. A caution that better pay and managerial domination can coexist.

JANE ADDAMS · SETTLEMENT ORGANIZER

Helped create Hull House's childcare, learning and research programs. Workers need institutions outside their jobs to make work possible.

MADAM C. J. WALKER · ENTREPRENEUR

Built a beauty business and trained thousands of agents. The difference between agent commission and ownership of the parent company matters.

PAUL BUNYAN · FOLK HERO

Can fell a forest before breakfast, according to legends with suspiciously poor documentation. Even giants need land stewardship and safety training.

ROSIE THE RIVETER · WARTIME SYMBOL

Represents women's industrial work during World War II, but the poster is not the whole workforce. The women producing the goods deserved employment rights after the advertising campaign ended.

OUR NO-ROMANTICIZING-HARDSHIP CLAUSE · THE HARVEST IS NOT A HEALTH PLAN

We will not glorify unpaid overtime, unsafe conditions, exploitation of migrants, hazardous farm work or wages too low to live on as noble character-building. We also will not treat a farm operator with crushing debt as a villain simply for owning machinery. No person becomes disposable because an employer is small; no producer becomes automatically guilty because a processor is large. Each arrangement gets evidence.

No threats, sabotage, intimidation, harassment or coercion. Lawful organizing, negotiation, public oversight, independent audits and due process apply even when a labor dispute gets angry. The modern caucus is not the historical Farmer–Labor Party and does not claim its candidates, endorsements or electoral organization.

THE CHECKLIST · BEFORE YOU ANNOUNCE A WORKER-FRIENDLY MIRACLE

WHO DID THE WORK?

Name the paid and unpaid contributors, their conditions, their location and the decision-maker responsible. Don't erase the people outside the camera frame.

WHO OWNS WHAT?

Trace land, intellectual property, machinery, finance, licenses, contracts and profits. Distinguish owner income from wages, commissions and benefits.

WHO BEARS THE RISK?

Include crop failure, market swings, layoffs, injury, illness, caregiving, weather, immigration rules and the transition costs of a proposed change.

WHAT IS THE REAL BASELINE?

Show present wages, operating margins, prices, staffing and legal rights. Compare proposals against a counterfactual rather than a campaign poster.

WHO GETS A SEAT AT THE TABLE?

Identify workers, farm operators, cooperatives, customers, local governments and people excluded from existing processes. Document the conflict, not just the consensus.

WHAT CHANGES IN YEAR ONE?

Name enforcement authority, funding, staffing, transition arrangements, service continuity and metrics. Follow the policy through its ten-year obligations if it requires them.

WHO CHECKS THE RESULT?

Publish pay, safety, productivity, access and unintended effects without violating privacy or trade-secret law. Accept corrections when the numbers prove the idea did not work.

EXPLORE · PUT THE WORK IN THE PUBLIC RECORD

→ Explore Mugwumps

→ Explore All Thirteen Caucuses

→ Explore The Five Pillars of Justice

→ Explore The Vault

→ Explore Membership

SOURCES & HISTORICAL NOTES

01 · Minnesota Historical Society — Farmer–Labor Movement Research Guide: Origins, Archival Holdings, Electoral History.

https://libguides.mnhs.org/dfl

02 · Minnesota Democratic–Farmer–Labor Party — Our History: 1920s Farmer–Labor movement and April 15, 1944 merger.

https://dfl.org/about/

03 · Minnesota Legislative Reference Library — Governor Floyd B. Olson biography, legislation and 1934 truckers' strike.

https://www.lrl.mn.gov/mngov/govbio?govid=17

04 · University of Minnesota — Minnesota Historical Election Archive, Floyd B. Olson election results.

https://mn.electionarchives.lib.umn.edu/candidate/floyd-b-olson/

05 · University of North Dakota — Philip Lloyd Darg, The Farmer-Labor Party in Minnesota Politics: 1918–1948, 2015.

https://commons.und.edu/theses/1886/

06 · Minnesota Historical Society — Minnesota Farmer–Labor Party, 1924–1944, MNopedia.

https://www.mnhs.org/mnopedia/search/index/minnesota-farmer-labor-party-1924-1944

07 · National Labor Relations Board — Who Is Covered: Exclusion of agricultural laborers from the NLRA.

https://www.nlrb.gov/about-nlrb/rights-we-protect/your-rights/employee-rights

08 · U.S. Department of Labor — Agricultural Employment: Wage and Hour Division guidance.

https://www.dol.gov/agencies/whd/agriculture

09 · USDA Rural Development — Cooperative Services: Cooperatives and Agricultural Markets.

https://www.rd.usda.gov/programs-services/business-programs/cooperative-services

10 · Minnesota Historical Society — Farmer–Labor Association of Minnesota archival records, 1918–1948.

https://libguides.mnhs.org/dfl/primary

11 · National Governors Association — Floyd Bjornstjerne Olson, 1931–1936.

https://www.nga.org/governor/floyd-bjornstjerne-olson/

WE ARE ONE.  ·  E PLURIBUS UNUM.